Collaborative politics? Could it happen?

On 22/01/2026, Andy Burnham wrote in The Guardian:

“We hope what has been happening in Manchester might offer inspiration. Over the past decade, we have become more and more functional as the country has become dysfunctional. We have used devolution to build a new, more collaborative political culture that is the polar opposite of the Westminster and Whitehall world.”

Manchesterism” is a modern and functional response to the high-inequality, low-growth trap that came from the 1980s drive to privatise economic power and overcentralise political power in the Treasury. It is about creating a new politics to plot our way out of that and develop a new economy.

Replicating this thinking at a national level could mean putting electoral reform centre stage as the means to create a more collaborative politics and consensus on the public investment needed to free the country from the pernicious pincer movement of the simultaneous cost-of-living and housing crises.

So to what extent has this ambition of a more collaborative politics been realised in Manchester and what more needs to be done?

AI Response (Gemini):

The article you’re referring to, “‘Manchesterism’ is building a better politics and a strong economy. The whole country should be inspired” (published 22 January 2026), serves as a manifesto for what Andy Burnham calls a “more collaborative political culture.”

In the article, Burnham defines “Manchesterism” not just as a local success story, but as a deliberate antithesis to the “archaic, adversarial” nature of Westminster. Here is a review of the article in that context, followed by broader examples of his vision.

Review: The Article in the Context of Collaborative Politics

Burnham’s central argument is that collaborative politics is functional, while adversarial politics is dysfunctional. He frames “Manchesterism” as a movement that moves away from the 1980s model of “privatised economic power and overcentralised political power” (the Treasury model) toward a “place-based” system.

  • Consensus over Conflict: Burnham argues that by moving power closer to people (devolution), politics becomes less about “points-scoring” in Parliament and more about “problem-solving” in communities.

  • The Economy as a Social System: He links collaboration directly to economic growth. By aligning transport, housing, and skills through the Bee Network and local control, Manchester has become the UK’s fastest-growing city-region. In his view, collaboration isn’t a “soft” political choice; it’s a hard economic necessity.

  • Structural Reform: A key takeaway from the article is that this culture cannot survive at a national level without Electoral Reform (Proportional Representation). He views PR as the primary tool to “lock in” collaboration and prevent the “low-growth doom loop” caused by the UK’s current “winner-takes-all” system.


Sources and Examples of Burnham’s Collaborative Culture

Beyond the Guardian article, Burnham has consistently pointed to several practical models of what a collaborative political culture looks like:

1. The “Manchester Way” and the Bee Network

The most prominent example of “collaborative politics” is the Bee Network, the UK’s first locally controlled, integrated transport system since the 1980s.

  • Why it’s collaborative: It required a decade of cross-party negotiation between the ten boroughs of Greater Manchester (often led by different political factions) and a unified “bottom-up” negotiation with Whitehall. It treats transport as a “public good” rather than a set of competing private franchises.

2. “Housing First” (The Finnish Model)

In interviews with The Big Issue, Burnham often cites Finland’s “Housing First” philosophy as the benchmark for collaborative governance.

  • The Principle: Instead of making housing conditional on sobriety or employment, the state provides a home first and then wraps social services around the individual. Burnham argues this requires a “whole-system” collaboration between health services, local councils, and charities—a model he has piloted in Manchester with a reported 57% reduction in rough sleeping since 2017.

3. Pan-Regional Collaboration (The “M10” and Northern Powerhouse)

Burnham frequently advocates for horizontal collaboration—mayors working with other mayors across party lines, rather than just looking “up” to London.

  • Example: His work with Steve Rotheram (Mayor of the Liverpool City Region) on “Northern Powerhouse Rail” and shared energy strategies. In speeches for the Institute for Government, he has described this as building “associations of Strategic Authorities” that can challenge the Treasury’s “divide and rule” funding tactics.

4. The Good Employment Charter

This is a voluntary agreement between the Greater Manchester Combined Authority and over 200 local employers (including private businesses, charities, and public bodies).

  • The Culture: It promotes the Real Living Wage and an end to zero-hour contracts. Burnham views this as “business-friendly socialism”—a collaborative contract between the state and the private sector to raise social standards without relying solely on top-down national legislation.

5. Co-operative Values and “The Sharing Economy”

In speeches to the Co-operative Movement, Burnham has argued that the digital age naturally favors collaboration over competition. He has invited co-operative councils and credit unions to help design “new models of affordable housing,” arguing that the “sharing economy” is more familiar to the younger generation and should be the bedrock of a new state.

Summary of the Philosophy

For Burnham, a collaborative political culture is characterized by:

  • Bottom-up policy: Designing laws based on local needs rather than Whitehall directives.

  • Fiscal Autonomy: Moving away from “bidding for pots of money” toward long-term, devolved budgets.

  • Pluralism: Using PR to ensure more voices are heard, ending the “climate of fear” he believes exists in centralized party structures.

Andy Burnham outlines the need for state reform

This video provides a deeper look into Burnham’s critique of the “Whitehall-centric” model and his specific proposals for “rewiring the state” to make it more responsive and collaborative.

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